One much-discussed trademark of Verne’s writing style is that he continually cites famous scientists, geographers, and historians—sometimes quoting sizable portions from their works and inserting them directly into his narratives. I have argued elsewhere, for instance, that Verne used this particular strategy to help increase the authoritative credibility of the scientific pedagogy contained in his novels, to bolster the verisimilitude of his fictional plot-structures, and to experiment stylistically with the juxtaposition of scientific and literary terminology.2
However, a much less-discussed aspect of Verne’s oeuvre (perhaps because of its pervasiveness) is his repeated allusions to well-known literary figures and their works—allusions which function so as to firmly anchor his narratives to a recognizable cultural tradition, and thereby broaden Verne’s own literary authoritativeness by identifying his novels more closely with those of the canonical literature(s) of his time. It is this aspect of Verne’s unique narrative recipe that I wish to investigate in the following essay.3
Verne’s literary tastes and training are easily discernable by the selection of authors whom he chooses to cite most frequently. Although, from French literature, he sometimes quotes “classical” writers like Rabelais,4 Cyrano de Bergerac,5 Honoré d’Urfé,6 Corneille,7 Racine,8 Voltaire,9 Diderot,10
In addition to their presence as overt literary citations, these authors and works can also be discerned in many of Verne’s habitually used themes, moral biases, and stylistic idiosyncracies. An exhaustive investigation of these (undoubtedly) thousands of intertextual phenomena would, of course, exceed the limits of this study. But pointing out and discussing a small number of them should suffice to highlight the broad scope of Verne’s borrowings and to suggest the omnipresence of these literary intertexts at all levels of his narration.
For example, the very goal of Verne’s Voyages Extraordinaires as outlined by his publisher Hetzel—“to outline all the geographical, geological, physical, and astonomical knowledge amassed by modern science and to recount, in an entertaining and picturesque format...the history of the universe”34—can be seen to closely resemble that of Verne’s friend and mentor Alexandre Dumas père as the latter once described the goal of his unfinished Isaac Laquédem:“...all this makes for a universal epic, which is nothing less that the history of the world”35 And there are a number of surprising parallels between Dumas’s epic novel and Verne’s own Voyage au centre de la Terre [Journey to the Center of the Earth]. For example, in Isaac Laquédem, the hero Laquédem is guided to the center of the Earth by Tyane, a scientist and disciple of Pythagoras. During the long subterranean descent, the former is obliged (much like Verne’s young Axel) to “build up an entire arsenal of Science”36 by examining the geological history of the planet as shown in the successive strata of rock through which they pass. At the Earth’s core, he is told:
“... there where the compressed air has, due to the pressure of the upper levels, acquired a greater density...exists an enclosed, spherically-shaped cavern which is illuminated by two pale stars known as Pluto and Proserpine."37
Similarly, in Verne’s Voyage au centre de la Terre, as his three explorers discover an unknown world inside the Earth, Axel exclaims:
“Then I remembered this theory about an English captain who compared the Earth to a huge, hollow sphere where, in its interior, the air stayed luminous because of the pressure, and where two stars, Pluto and Proserpine, circled there in their mysterious orbits. Could he have been right?”38
Further, in his Voyages et aventures du capitaine Hatteras
(published the following year), Verne’s scientist Dr. Clawbonny explains
to the crew of the British ship Forward during their voyage toward
the north pole:
“Finally, it has recently been claimed that, at the poles, there was an immense opening, which was the source of the lights of the aurora borealis, and by which one could penetrate into the interior of the world. Then, inside this hollow sphere, it was imagined that there existed two planets, Pluto and Proserpine, and that the air was luminous because of the strong pressure exerted on it.”“They said all that?” asked Altamont.
“And wrote about it, and very seriously. Captain Synness, one of our countrymen, even proposed to Humphry Davy, Humboldt, and Arago that they attempt an expedition. But these scientists refused.”39
Both Dumas and Verne’s fictional speculations on this matter have been noted by scholars, who invariably attribute them to a common 19th-century source. In 1818, a certain Yankee (not British) infantry captain named John Cleves Symmes (not “Synness”) attracted world-wide attention, sparked international controversy, and inspired numerous hollow-earth stories both during his lifetime and after40 when he made the following appeal:
To All the World! I declare the Earth is hollow, and habitable within; containing a number of concentrick [sic] spheres, one within the other, and that is it open at the poles 12 or 16 degrees; I pledge my life in support of this truth, and am ready to explore the hollow if the world will support and aid me in this undertaking.41
Two years later, in 1820, a certain Captain Adam Seaborn published one of the first American utopias called Symzonia: A Voyage of Discovery—a supposed chronicle of his voyage to the interior of the Earth via an opening at the pole and his discovery of an idyllic subterranean civilization therein42. Subsequently, in 1826, Symmes’s hollow-Earth hypotheses were published in a “scientific” treatise entitled Symmes’s Theory of Concentric Spheres.43
But, contrary to accepted belief, nowhere in Seaborn’s novel nor in Symmes’s various texts does one find any mention of the center of the Earth containing the two planet/stars “Pluton et Proserpine” or of a luminous “compressed” atmosphere supposedly surrounding them. Verne, who normally gleaned his scientific documentation from newspaper reports, journal articles, and reference books, appears to have culled the details of this particular theory directly from the imaginative fiction of Alexandre Dumas.
A great many other French littérateurs haunt the pages of the
Voyages Extraordinaires—some quite explicitly, others more
implicitly. Let us take the unlikely example of the French symbolist poet
Charles Baudelaire, for instance. Although traditionally categorized at
opposite ends of the literary spectrum, echoes of Baudelaire’s Les
Fleurs du Mal can often be heard in Verne’s texts. In fact, the first
few verses of the Baudelaire’s poem titled “LeVoyage” could be viewed as
emblematic of both the implied reader and the thematic scope of the
Voyages Extraordinaires as a whole: “For the child who loves
postcards and stamps, the universe is equal to his vast
appetite...”44 But more specific
baudelairian intertexts are also embedded in the narrative fabric of
several Vernian novels. For example, when viewed in the context of the
opening verses of Baudelaire’s poem “L’Homme et la Mer” [“Man and the
Sea”]—“Free man, you will always cherish the sea!”45—Captain Nemo’s empassioned praises of the sea in
Vingt mille lieues sous les mers [Twenty
The Poet is similar to this prince of the cloudsVerne’s narrative strategy seems clear. The function of his literary citations as credibility-builders has been noted. But, in this case, Verne’s use of the term “L’Albatros” (with the many literary connotations that it carries, from Coleridge to Poe and from Michelet to Baudelaire) serves to complement his portrayal of the fictional hero of this novel, Robur himself. For Robur, a true “prince of the clouds” (as Captain Nemo might be called—quite literally, as we discover in L’Ile mystérieuse [The Mysterious Island]—a “prince of the seas”), also found himself to be an “exile” on land and jeered at by his contemporaries. But, once aboard his powerful airship, this technological génie braves the worst of storms and soars far above the bullets fired at him, exulting in his supremacy over his earthbound rivals. Baudelaire’s poetic allegory is thus clothed in new scientific regalia; it is now the scientist who becomes the poet, and it is now the machine (and the knowledge that created it) which becomes the symbol of earthly transcendence.
Who haunts the tempest and laughs at the archer;
Exiled on the ground amidst hoots of scorn,
His giant’s wings prevent him from walking.47
Intertexts from English, German, and American literature are also abundant in Verne’s Voyages Extraordinaires. The floating island-utopia of L’Ile à hélice [Propeller Island], for example, is reminiscent not only of those mobile sail-propelled cities described by Cyrano de Bergerac in Les Etats et empires du soleil [The States and Empires of the Sun] but also of Swift’s Laputa in Gulliver’s Travels. Certain scenes and characters in Verne’s P’tit-Bonhomme [Foundling Mick] and Le Rayon vert [The Green Ray] strongly resemble their counterparts in certain novels by Dickens such as David Copperfield and Oliver Twist48. Daniel Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe seems almost omnipresent in the dozens of shipwreck, castaway, and colonization motifs that proliferate throughout the Voyages Extraordinaires. Shakespeare’s Shylock of The Merchant of Venice is duplicated in Isac [sic] Hakhabut of Verne’s Hector Servadac [in English as Hector Servadac and as Off on a Comet]. And E.T.A.Hoffmann’s The Sandman is the thematic touchstone for Verne’s gothic Le Château des Carpathes [The Carpathian Castle], among other novels.49
But three foreign authors in particular seem to have exerted a powerful influence on Jules Verne during his early career and, as a result, are truly ubiquitous in Verne’s work: James Fenimore Cooper, Walter Scott, and Edgar Allan Poe.
James Fenimore Cooper’s exotic tales of the New World in his so-called “Leatherstocking” series—The Pioneers (1823), The Last of the Mohicans(1826), The Prairie (1827), The Pathfinder (1840), and The Deerslayer (1841)—as well as in his sea-faring novels like The Pilot (1823), seem to have fired the imagination of young Verne and prompted him to consciously imitate this author in his earliest short stories for the Museé des Familles. Concerning the first of these, Un Drame au Mexique [A Drama in Mexico]—originally titled “Les Premiers navires de la marine mexicaine” [“The First Ships of the Mexican Navy”]—Verne confided to his father in 1851: “My article for Pitre-Chevalier is but a simple adventure-story in the style of Cooper which I am locating in Mexico.”50 Pitre-Chevalier, the editor of Musée des Familles, introduced the second—entitled Martin Paz—saying: “...our readers will undoubtedly appreciate once again an example of this very different genre wherein all of Peru—its history, races, customs, landscapes, national dress, etc.—will be revealed to them by M. Jules Vernes [sic] through this exciting story à la Cooper.”51 And, as his repeated references to Cooper throughout this later novels clearly indicate,52 Verne apparently never lost his taste for these adventure tales of early America. In an interview in 1895, at the age of 67, he confirmed: “I never tire of Fenimore Cooper; certain of his romances deserve true immortality and will, I trust, be remembered long after the so-called literary giants of a later age are forgotten.”53
Not only are Cooper’s name and literary works frequently mentioned in the pages of the Voyages Extraordinaires, but a number of direct “borrowings” are also quite evident (sometimes credited, sometimes not). For example, note the striking similarity of plot structures between Verne’s L’Ile mystérieuse and Cooper’s little-known novel The Crater, or Vulcan’s Peak.54 The latter—published 27 years prior to Verne’s—tells of a castaway on a volcanic island who, after his rescue, returns there with a group of homesteaders to colonize it, succeeds in establishing a prosperous colony, defends it against attacking pirates, and is forced to flee at the end as the island paradise explodes and sinks into the sea. Other obvious examples include Cooper’s memorable characters of Hawkeye and Chingachgook, undoubtedly the source for Nic Deck’s woodsmanship and survival skills in Verne’s Le Château des Carpathes55 as well as this exotic frontier food—“an Indian preparation called ‘pemmican’ which contains a great many nutritive elements in a small volume”56—often carried by a number of Vernian explorers. Or, as an even more direct reference to Cooper, consider the following passage from Les Enfants du capitaine Grant [Captain Grant’s Children] where Verne’s protagonists are on the Argentine Pampas and discussing what to do in the event of a prairie fire:
... Paganel exclaimed with visible satisfaction. “That happens sometimes and, as for me, I would not be at all unhappy to witness such a spectacle.”Passages such as this one are very representative of how Verne often mixed didacticism and adventure in his narratives in a way that was both utile and dulce (as Horace would say). Integrated directly into the plot structure and mediated through the novel’s protagonists—as opposed, for example, to a de-personified lecture by an external narrator—the pedagogical lesson enhances rather than distracts from the flow of the fictional narrative itself. Typically, Verne’s heroes almost always escape in the nick of time from an impending catastrophe by utilizing some tidbit of practical knowledge remembered by the scientist of the group. Most often, such knowledge (and, implicitly, the lesson to be learned by the reader) is scientific in nature, providing happy outcomes to the various cliff-hanging episodes in which Verne’s protagonists seem to repeatedly find themselves. Here, the lesson was gleaned from having read Cooper. And, by inserting such a passage into the plot (almost gratuitously, since the fire was never to occur), Verne adroitly fulfills a number of narratological needs: he not only instructs his readers, in boy-scout fashion, about what to do if they are caught in a brush fire on the prairie, but he also underscores the educational and authoritative value of “one’s Cooper”—i.e., a text which, ostensibly, everybody must (or should) both own and refer to for such useful tips. Further, in citing Cooper in this manner, Verne not only increases the verisimilitude of his fictional characters—who have read these “real” books—but also implicitly identifies his own novels with those of Cooper and, as a result, augments his own pedagogical credibility and literary standing. And finally, by making use of such an intertextual reference, Verne also succeeds in adding an element of “New World” exoticism to his narration while indirectly pointing out the many parallels between the on-going adventures of Paganel, Glenarvan, and company and those of the legendary “Bas de Cuir” [“Leatherstocking”].
page 176“There goes our scientist again,” answered Glenarvan. “He would pursue scientific inquiry so far as getting himself burned alive.”
“My heavens no, my dear Glenarvan. But in having read one’s Cooper, one would know how Leatherstocking saved himself from a prairie fire by pulling out the grass around himself for a dozen meters or so. Nothing could be simpler. Therefore, not only do I not fear the approach of such a fire, I look forward to it!"57
Another English-language author whom Verne uses for similar purposes is Walter Scott, whose historical romances were to leave a deep and lasting imprint on the novels of the Voyages Extraordinaires. In a 1895 interview, Verne explains:
All my life I have delighted in the works of Sir Walter Scott, and during a never-to-be-forgotten tour in the British Isles, my happiest days were spent in Scotland. ... Of course, to one familiar with the works of Scott, there is scarce a district of his native land lacking some association with the writer and his immortal work.58And, as might be expected, Verne’s references to Scott and his works are indeed frequent in his Voyages Extraordinaires,59 and many of Verne’s fictional characters are closely patterned after those in Waverley (1814), Rob Roy
“What an enchanting place” Miss Campbell quietly said, “and what person would be so prosaic as to not believe that it wasn’t specially created for sylphs and water sprites—these spirits for whom the sounds of this huge wind harp would play whenever the wind blows? Wasn’t it this heavenly music that Waverly [sic] heard in his dreams, this voice of Selma whose chords our novelist used as a lullaby for his heros?”In this passage, Scott’s novel Waverley serves as a rich cultural touchstone that is obviously quite familiar to the fictional protagonists. This literary reference enables them (and Verne) not only to articulate more clearly their impressions of the geographical site itself but also to express more poetically their emotions when viewing it. Apart from the pedagogical intent of this passage—i.e., the geographical “sources” of Scott’s inspiration—Verne once again succeeds intextually associating himself with a famous author while using him in stepping-stone fashion to deepen the poetic overtones of his descriptions. It is important to note that portraying certain emotions (like love) was often quite difficult for Verne, by his own admission.61 One could therefore argue that, in addition to the many other narratological functions of such persistent literary name-dropping we find in his fiction, another role they seem to play is to provide an acceptable (albeit second-hand) vehicle for foregrounding sentimentality. Consider, for example, the following passage from Les Enfants du capitaine Grant:“You are right, Miss Campbell,” answered Olivier, “and doubtlessly when Walter Scott was searching for a perfect image for his poetic history of the Highlands, he thought first of Fingal’s cave.”60
One day they would stroll in a birch and tamarack wood, among vast fields of yellowish heather; another day, they would climb the steep hills of Ben Lomond, or ride horseback across the wild glens, studying, understanding and admiring the famous sites of this poetic land still named “the country of Rob Roy” and sovaliantly immortalized by Walter Scott. In the evening, as the sun went down and “MacFarlane’s lantern” burned on the horizon, they would wander along the “bartazens,” an ancient circular gallery which formed a circle of battlements around Malcolm Castle, and there, pensive, alone, and as if they were the last people on Earth, they would sit on a piece of broken stone in the middle of Nature’s silence, beneath the pale shafts of moonlight, watching the falling night darken the mountaintops, and quietly savouring this pure rapture that only those whose hearts are filled with love can ever understand.62The Romantic exoticism of this passage is constructed around three basic focal points: the technical and local-usage lexicon (which serves a pedagogical function as well as adding a measure of “otherness”), the état d’âme Nature-Man leitmotif (which valorizes and gives literary credibility to the fictional rêverie portrayed), and the name of Walter Scott himself (who stands, literally, in the center of this passage—acting as a catalyst to all those rich literary associations
Finally, Edgar Allan Poe’s substantial influence on Jules Verne is amply illustrated by the many fine studies devoted to this topic during the 20th century.63 How, after reading Baudelaire’s translation of Poe’s works, Verne developed his first notions of what would eventually become the Voyages Extraordinaires is an oft-repeated observation in Vernian criticism—to the extent, one might say, that it has become common knowledge. And the facts do indeed seem to speak for themselves. From his article written on Poe early in his career for the Musée des Familles to his masterful Le Sphinx des glaces [The Ice Sphinx] where he completes Poe’s Narrative of Arthur Gordon Pym, Verne was a life-long admirer (and imitator) of this particular American author. But, as with many other aspects of Jules Verne’s life and works, a number of myths and misconceptions continue to exist about his literary debt to Edgar Allan Poe, and the record needs to be set straight.
Although no solid documentation is available to prove it, Verne’s initial discovery of Edgar Allan Poe (or “Edgard Poë” as he always persisted in spelling it) probably first came through Nadar,64 who was a mutual acquaintance of both Verne and Baudelaire, the latter since the mid-1840s. It was Baudelaire who wrote an article on Poe in 1852 entitled “Edgar Poe, sa vie et ses oeuvres” [“Edgar Poe, His Life and Works”] for the Revue de Paris,65 and later in 1856 he published the first French translation of Poe’s works which he called Histoires Extraordinaires [Extraordinary Stories]—a title of some significance when considering that of Verne’s own series. The noted Vernian biographer Allotte de la Füye places the Verne-Poe encounter in 1851, saying: “During this period, Jules Verne, an avid reader of English fiction, must have already read Poe’s Extraordinary Tales [sic] in the original.”66 But this statement is extremely doubtful on two grounds: first, because Verne could not read English (it was his biographers who invented this myth about him) and, second, because it was not until 1862 that Verne first began to mention Poe in his correspondence—references which multiplied rapidly after this date and which culminated, two years later, in his own article for the Musée des Familles entitled “Edgard Poë et ses oeuvres.” [“Edgard Poë and his Works.”]67
Before examining Verne’s article on Poe, however, it is interesting to take note of the following book review of Verne’s then newly-published novel called Cinq semaines en ballon. This review appeared (anonymously) in the Musée des Familles in 1863:
M. Jules Verne is of the same school as the American novelist Edgard Poë. Like Poë, he knows how to link fiction to reality in proportions so exact that one does not know where one begins and the other leaves off. What’s more, Verne has theAlthough such an assertion may at first seem surprising, the evidence suggests that Verne himself was responsible for writing this review of his own novel. First, such a practice was (and continues to be) rather commonplace in the publishing industry. Second, note the spelling of “Edgard Poë.” And third, compare the two statements concerning Poe’s alliance of fiction and reality—as well as the lack of logic in his inventions—with certain views expressed by Verne in his later article “Edgard Poë et ses oeuvres.”
page 179advantage of being clearer and, if I might express it thus, more logical in his inventiveness.68
Verne begins his 1864 article praising Poe, explaining some aspects of Poe’s life, and analyzing lengthy excerpts from Poe’s works. Verne then goes on to say: “... they occupy an important place in the history of imaginative works because Poë created a distinct literary genre all his own. One might call him the leader of the School of the Strange.”69 And speaking of Poe’s “Three Sundays in a Week,” Verne continues:
... Then the third individual would accomplish the same voyage, under the same conditions, but in the opposite direction, going east, and after his circumnavigation of the world, and he would be behind by one day. What would happen if all three travellers met one Sunday at their starting point? For the first, it would beyesterday, for the second today, and for the third tomorrow. So you see, this is truly a cosmological joke told in very curious terms indeed...70Contrary to most scholarship on the subject, it would not be unreasonable to see in this passage the inspiration for Verne’s future Le Tour du monde en 80 jours (1873) [Around the World in Eighty Days]. In similar fashion, one might easily discern the origins of Verne’s much later Le Sphinx des glaces (1897) from his comments on the conclusion of Poe’s Narrative of Arthur Gordon Pym:
And the narrative is left hanging at this point. Who will ever complete it? Surely someone more audacious than I and someone more willing to explore the realm of the impossible.71But it is especially those attributes of Poe’s narrative style which Verne singles out for praise or for criticism that are the most intertextually suggestive. For example, while lauding the exotic “newness” of Poe’s subject matter and fictional portrayals, Verne nevertheless attacks his apparent lack of concern for the role of Providence in human affairs, the rampant materialism of his vision, and the manner in which Poe twists natural laws to suit his fictional needs (a criticism Verne later would level against his British rival H.G. Wells):
... what one must admire in the works of Poë are the novelty of situations, the discussion of little-known facts, the observation of the compulsive faculties of Man, the choice of his subject-matter... Allow me also to draw attention to the purely materialistic aspect of his fictions. One never witnesses any kind of providential intervention; Poë seems not to admit it and claims to explain everything by physical laws which he invents whenever he needs them; one does not feel in him any sort of faith which the incessant contemplation of the supernatural should give him. He works in a kind of “cold fantastic,” if I might express it thus. He is a fervent disciple of materialism; but I imagine that this is less the fault of his temperamentThese observations are significant not only as critical commentary on Poe’s own narrative practices, but also on Verne’s—in understanding, for example, the importance that religion will have throughout the Voyages Extraordinaires, in grasping Verne’s Taine-like views of the American social psyche—vividly portrayed in several of his Yankee protagonists like those in De la Terre à la lune [From the Earth to the Moon] or L’Ile à hélice [Propeller Island]—or inappreciating Verne’s intransigence about using only “real” science in his fictions. And it also becomes clear why Verne, although claiming to be of the same literary “school” as Poe in his book review of 1863, saw fit to qualify that statement as he did. As one critic was later to express the similarity between these two authors: “Poe’s use of scientific detail must have attracted Verne ... But where Poe is the doomed poet of the Inward, Verne is the supreme celebrant of the Outward.”73
page 180and perhaps more the influence of this purely practical and industrial society of the United States in which he lived.72
Although it is true that Edgar Allan Poe stands as the most frequently
cited author—foreign or domestic—in all of Verne’s Voyages
Extraordinaires, this quantitative fact is somewhat deceptive: the
number of times that Poe is mentioned or quoted at length in Le Sphinx
des glaces alone is enough to skew all comparisons. Of more
intertextual consequence are Verne’s many concrete borrowings from Poe.
In terms of the former’s character portrayals, for instance, a comparison
of Poe’s “The Man That Was Used Up” with the Gun-Club members of De la
Terre à la Lune suggests more than simple coincidence. And, in
addition to those probable sources mentioned earlier, certain themes and
plot structures in Poe’s tales tend to reappear quite regularly (albeitin
slightly modified form) throughout a great many of Verne’s novels and
short stories. Compare, for example, the cryptograms of Poe’s “The Gold
Bug” with Verne’s Voyage au centre de la Terre, La Jangada
[The Giant Raft], and Mathias Sandorf; the maelstrom of
Poe’s MS Found in a Bottle and A Descent in the Maelstrom
with Verne’s Vingt mille lieues sous les mers and “Un Hivernage
dans les glaces” [“Wintering in the Ice”]; the “accelerated” populace of
Poe’s “The Devil in the Belfry” with Verne’s “Le Docteur Ox”; the
maritime cannibalism of Poe’s Narrative of Arthur Gordon Pym with
Verne’s Le Chancellor [The Wreck of the Chancellor]; the
discussions of mesmerism in Poe’s “The Facts in the Case of M. Valemar”
and “Mesmeric Revelation” with Verne’s Mathias Sandorf and
L’Ile mystérieuse; the study of hoaxes in Poe’s “The Balloon Hoax”
with Verne’s “Le Humbug” and the list goes on. Further, there are
sometimes striking parallels between the two authors’ writing styles: the
passages of pure pedagogy intercalated into the narrative; the ship’s log
as a device for first-person narration; the frequent use of technicisms,
neologisms, and foreign languages; a penchant for surprise and/or
cliff-hanging chapter endings; and the repeated use of the “detective
story” format as a means to valorize scientific inquiry, among other
similarities. A limited number of these intertextual phenomena have been
identified and discussed in the critical scholarship devoted to these two
authors of the
Before leaving the realm of Verne’s literary sources, one last group of cited intertexts must be discussed: those of Verne himself. Throughout Verne’s works, repeated reference to characters, plots, and actual titles of previously-published novels of the Voyages Extraordinaires is astonishingly frequent. This practice of textual self-citation performs many useful narratological tasks: it acts as a sort of “binder” which adds a measure of continuity and unity to the series, it tends to increase the verisimilitude of the fictional events portrayed, and it helps to insert Verne’s own works into the same dimension of extra-textual referents occupied by those authoritative scientific and literary works which he constantly cites.
The most obvious manifestation of this intriguing practice are the many “plugs” of his own novels that Verne incorporates into his narratives via footnotes, parenthetical anecdotes, prefaces, and even the dialogues of his fictional protagonists. Note, for example, the “theatre” conversations between M. and Mme Caterna in Claudius Bombarnac74 where casual mention is made of the fact that Jules Verne’s Michel Strogoff [Michel Strogoff, Courier of the Czar] was currently playing at the Châtelet theatre—it was during this period, of course, that the play was actually being performed there—or the many footnotes in Verne’s Sans dessus dessous [Topsy-Turvy]75 (perhaps added by Hetzel?) that catalogue previously-published novels in the series such as De laTerre à la Lune, Autour de la Lune [Around the Moon], L’Ecole des Robinsons [The School for Crusoes], and Hector Servadac. One hypothesis which might explain such references could be the sluggish sales of Verne’s later novels: these “advertisements”—inserted directly into the narratives themselves—seem to occur only in those works published after 1889. And three historical developments taking place in France during this period would appear to lend some credence to such an assertion. First, promulgating a radical change in the nation’s educational policy (previously controlled by the Catholic Church), the Third Republic now mandated access to the instruction of science in the public schools. Second, the French publishing industry throughout this period was witnessing a massive influx of Verne-like novels of scientific fiction into the French marketplace. And third (perhaps as a direct result of the previous two), the until-then booming sales of Verne’s Voyages Extraordinaires suddenly began to taper off dramatically.76
A final variant of Verne’s auto-intertextuality consists of the three
groups of “serial” novels in the Voyages Extraordinaires: the two
trilogies of Les Enfants du capitaine Grant/Vingt mille lieues
sous les mers/L’Ile mystérieuse and De la Terre à la
Lune/Autour de la Lune/Sans dessus dessous and the
two-novel series of Robur-le-conquérant/Maître du Monde. In
these texts, the same characters reappear and continue the saga in a new
setting, or one character provides the link between an earlier novel and
a subsequent one. For example, Robur is the hero and the anti-hero
respectively, Barbicane and his Gun-Club continue their (literally)
world-shaking ballistic experiments, and Ayrton is discovered on the
South Sea island where he was marooned, etc. In one
Needless to say, this practice of “recycling” always takes as its point of departure only those novels which initially enjoyed a huge commercial success. But one interesting attribute of these sequels is that they invariably present some form of reversal when compared to their predecessors. Robur’s case is exemplary, but a host of other examples confirm this observation: Ayrton the arch-villain and convict is rehabilitated and becomes a hero in his own right; Nemo the mysterious, powerful, and rebellious wanderer of the seas becomes a repentant old man on his deathbed (the Nautilus having for some time been imprisoned inside an island sea-cave) who reveals his true identity while confessing his past sins; Barbicane, Maston, and company not only fail in their ambitious engineering enterprise but become laughable caricatures of their former selves as Verne satirizes both them and their positivistic hubris. These later novels clearly portray Verne’s own personal evolution—his rapidly changing views on the intrinsic value of scientific and technological growth versus that of social responsibility and ecological preservation. That is to say, Verne continually and deliberately undermines the ideological foundations upon which his earlier (and more popular) texts were constructed.
To briefly conclude this overview, if one wished to locate a kind of one-stop-shopping catalogue of the various scientific and literary sources and intertextual references in Jules Verne’s Voyages Extraordinaires, an excellent place to begin would be Captain Nemo’s impressive library aboard the Nautilus—reminiscent (albeit on a much more sumptuous scale) of the library that Verne had installed aboard his own yacht while completing the rough draft of a novel later to be called Vingt mille lieues sous les mers:
It was a library. High pieces of furniture made of black violet ebony inlaid with brass supported upon their wide shelves a great number of books, uniformly bound. The shelves followed the shape of the room and terminated at the lower part in huge couches, covered with brown leather, which were curved to afford the greatest comfort. Light, movable desks, made to slide in and out at will, allowed one to place one’s book down while reading. In the center stood a large table, covered with pamphlets, among which were some newspapers that were already old. Electric light flooded this harmonious ensemble from four unpolished globes half-sunk into the vaulted ceiling. ...This imaginary library78 aboard the Nautilus represents a rich locus of Verne’s actual source material—a kind of ambulatory Bibliothèque Nationale, if you will, devoted to the world’s recognized masterpieces of science and literature. As such, it seems to aptly embody the two-fold goals of the Voyages Extraordinaires themselves: “instruction which entertains, entertainment which instructs...”79 But it is also fascinating to note that there is one glaring lacuna in Captain Nemo’s collection. As Professor Aronnax observes: “There were works on science, ethics, and literature in many languages. But not one single book on political economy. That subject seemed to have been strictly proscribed.”80 In Nemo’s underwater utopia, no books by political economists are permitted. Which is perhaps as it should be...but that’s another story.Among these works I noticed masterpieces of the ancients and the moderns, all the finest works that mankind has produced in history, poetry, the novel and science, from Homer to Victor Hugo, from Xenophon to Michelet, from Rabelais to Madame Sand. But works of science, in particular, held an important place in the library. Books on mechanics, ballistics, hydrography, meteorology, geography, geology, etc., were just as prominent as works of natural history. ... I saw there
page 183all the works of Humboldt, Arago, Foucault, Henri Sainte-Claire Deville, Chasles, Milne-Edwards, Quatrefages, Tyndall, Faraday, Berthelot, the Abbé Secchi, Petermann, the commander Maury, Agassiz, and more. Also included were the memoirs of the Academy of Sciences, the bulletins of various geographical societies, etc.77